Founding Fathers & Religion

 

 

From rich Tue Jan 17 11:12:41 1995

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Paul Rich rich@rico.pue.udlap.mx

 

University of the Americas-Puebla

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From: RICK DYSON <DYSONF@scholar.wabash.edu>

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Subject: Founding Fathers & Religion

 

A discussion on H-Pol on the founding fathers & religion. Any

thoughts?

 

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There are 9 messages totalling 468 lines in this issue.

 

Topics of the day:

 

1. REPLY: FF & Religion

2. FROM THE MODERATOR: Posting to H-Pol

3. FYI: NCC Washington Update v. 1 #1

4. REPLY: Talk radio

5. NETSOURCES: "Thomas" & NPR gopher

6. REPLY: FF & religion (3)

7. REPLY: talk radio

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 07:04:55 -0600

From: H-Pol moderator Peter Knupfer <pknupfer@ksu.ksu.edu>

Subject: REPLY: FF & Religion

 

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Date: Sat, 14 Jan 1995 09:28:42 -0700 (PDT)

From: "E. Wayne Carp" <CARPW%PLU.edu@KSUVM.KSU.EDU>

Subject: Re: REPLY: FF & Religion

 

On Thu, 12 Jan 1995, RobForbes <garrison%minerva.cis.yale.edu> wrote:

 

> Wayne, don't you consider the authors of the state constitutions--the

> vast majority of which included "religious tests" for voting, jury service,

> etc.--to be founders?

 

Rob asks a good question, but I must answer "no." As Gordon Wood has

pointed out, the constitutional convention was called to combat the

"licentiousness" of the state legislatures. Many of the framers,

especially the most important one, Madison, viewed the Constitution as a

document that would control state legislators/the "people" from mucking up

local and national affairs. A good example of the distinction between the

FF and the people is the ratification of the Mass. Constitution of 1780.

Written by John Adams, it was rejected by the Mass. townspeople for

numerous reasons, the prominent one being a lack of a religious test for

holding office. Thus, I agree with your statement that Franklin

"and the others feared the consequences of an electorate that was at once

unenlightened and utterly skeptical." But the point I would emphasize is

that they didn't write their _personal_ beliefs into the Constitution. IMHO

religious belief is a private matter and even if the one believes that

"a _sine qua non_of civilized existence" is to believe in something outside

of oneself, the State under our Constitution should not enforce such a belief.

 

Yours,

 

E. Wayne Carp

carpw@plu.edu

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 12:16:56 -0600

From: H-Pol moderator Peter Knupfer <pknupfer@ksu.ksu.edu>

Subject: REPLY: FF & religion

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 10:51:21 -0600 (CST)

From: Stephen Smith <libertas%comp.uark.edu@KSUVM.KSU.EDU>

 

Without reposting the exchange between Rob Forbes and Wayne Carp on

religious tests, I have previously examined the issue in Pennsylvania.

There were serious disagreements about the content and appropriateness of

such oaths in republican governments in 1776, but by 1789 the support for

test oaths seems to have disappeared from the debate. For those who

cannot get enough on this archania, I shamelessly refer you to "Prelude

to Article VI" in 30 Free Speech Yearbook 1 (1992).

 

Stephen Smith

University of Arkansas

libertas@comp.uark.edu

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 12:17:46 -0600

From: H-Pol moderator Peter Knupfer <pknupfer@ksu.ksu.edu>

Subject: REPLY: FF & religion

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 12:29 EST

From: SCHWEITZ%UCIS.VILL.EDU@KSUVM.KSU.EDU

 

Let me second Wayne Carp's comments about the FF, state constitutions,

and religion. The phrase "founding fathers" is not really helpful when

broadly defined, because it generally ends up in a sentence like

"the founding fathers believed ..." If the "founding fathers" were

taken literally to mean everyone who contributed to the carving out

of the new nation's institutional structure, it becomes meaningless

because THEY DIDN'T AGREE ON A WHOLE HECK OF A LOT!! You want to put

Patrick Henry and Alexander Hamilton in the same box? It is misleading,

because it implies a golden age of harmony in political life that never

existed. (and it's boring, too). As for state constitutions -- the

PA Constitution of 1776 kept getting brought up as a worst-case example;

what NOT to do. Many of the rationales for a bicameral legislature in

a society without a hereditary aristocracy came from the Pennsylvania

"Republicans", and were arguments they had come up with in an effort to

get the PA Constitution of 1776 repealed and replaced. As for religion,

that depended upon who you were and where you were.

 

I wish I could come up with some good quotes for you, but as I recall

the PA Quakers could be pretty good at skewering the notion that you have

to believe in a hereafter to be an honest, decent sort. You might try

John Dewey on the same subject. At any rate, the freedom of religion

clause has a dual basis, as I recall -- the PA thread, dating from Penn,

of live and let live (along with separation of religion from government;

God's way from man's way); and the VA thread, dating from the Baptist

struggles, of not wanting to have to cough up for an Anglican priest and

wishing to get local government extricated from the parish arrangement.

(Tho there were creative ways to get on the parish council while NOT being

Anglican, that didn't mean that all concerned wanted to get rid of the

connection between Anglicanism and local government.) The point to

emphasize here is that a great variety of arrangements and conceptualizations

existed at the time with regard to the proper relationship between

government and religion -- ranging from the "general unchurched", who were

all over the place, to the New Englanders, who still thought it proper

to attend an election day sermon before going out and voting.

 

-- Mary Schweitzer (schweitz@ucis.vill.edu)

 

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Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 15:47:27 -0600

From: H-Pol moderator Peter Knupfer <pknupfer@ksu.ksu.edu>

Subject: REPLY: FF & religion

 

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From: "G. L. Seligmann (AcadCore, x3399)" <GUS@cas.unt.edu>

Date: Mon, 16 Jan 1995 15:10:17 CST6CDT

 

There seems to me to be an internal inconsistency in Professor

Carp's argument which may weaken it somewhat. (Incidentally, I, like

Rob Forbes, have no problem with including more than Constitutional

Convention 55 under the appellation of Founding Fathers.)

 

I certainly agree with G. Wood, and damn near everybody else from

Charles A. Beard through Forrest McDonald, that the CC was called to

curb "licentiousness" at the state level. Carp's second example,

however, of the Mass. voters rejecting the Adams' constitution

because it DID NOT establish a religious qualification does seem to

me to be an example not of "licentiousness" but rather the exact

opposite. The Mass voters themselves seem to be disapproving of the

potential "licentiousness" which could be loosed on the body politic

by voters and leaders not solidly anchored, if I might pun, to the

Rock of Ages.

 

Clearly I do not disagree with Professor Carp on the necessity of

not writing individual beliefs into organic, or most any other, law

for that matter.

 

I also disagree with Forbes in that I think there were/are more

ways to get the sense of connectedness to a greater whatever than

only religion. See for example the new Harvard Press book on the

Founders and the Classics (not the exact title) by a Professor

Richards (I think, as I tell my graduate students always make your

citations accurate) where the author is arguing that the FFs saw

themselves as connected in important ways to the Classic world of

Greece and Rome. That is they did not have an atomistic view of

their place in world history. It seems to me that this aspect of the

18th century Enlightenment, of which the US govt. is a very real part,

was so dominant as to take the place in the minds of the FF of

organized religion. (Yes, I know the late M.E. Bradford would not

subscribe wholeheartedly to this substitution but that's only fair;

I don't buy everything he wrote either.)

 

That the FFs distrusted unchecked democracy is hardly debatable

at this point in time. What is debatable is the nature of the checks

that they wished to place upon it. Religion would certainly have

been one of them. (If I remember rightly Hamilton and certain of the

High Federalists wished a state religion. Please don't ask for a

citation here this is pure dredged up memory.) The kind of

connections to the Classic tradition that Richards? is discussing is

another. None of them worked quite the way many of the FFs wished

them to work.

 

I think Rob's lament, and it is one that I share with him, is

that we need something to restore to us some kind of connection to

the whole of our society. I agree with the Blessed Newt on very

little but I think he is close to target when he argues that we

cannot continue as a representative democracy with the sort of social

disintegration we see around us. In fact I would go even further and

into the realm of another current thread, that of radio shows, and

say that the meanspiritedness that I hear coming out of much of what

passes for citizen comment represents social disintegration at the

other end of the social spectrum. Can a republic long endure the

constant denigration of all of its leaders? It seems to me that our

equivalent of Plato's Noble Lie must be that our leaders mean well.

We are still free to disagree with specific actions but the constant

attacking of motives both by the right and the left does not augur

well for the future of representative deomcracy as I understand it.

 

End of sermon. If anyone is still reading they have clearly

demonstrated how they got through graduate school.

 

Gus Seligmann

gus@cas.unt.edu

 

******************

Moderator's Footnote (PBK): I think the book Gus is referring to is:

Richard, Carl J. _The founders and the classics : Greece, Rome, and the

American Enlightenment_ (Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 1994).

 

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End of H-POL Digest - 15 Jan 1995 to 16 Jan 1995

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